This paper aims to evaluate whether features of the public sphere are present in the activities of Iranian Twitter users. To achieve this objective, the paper provides a synthesis of computational social sciences, network analysis, and Habermas’s approach to the public sphere. The data comes from all Iranian users, including those who are actively engaged in political issues on Twitter. This method of data collection focuses on the computational aspects of the users. Added information on how they conducted networking and facilitated public opinion, which resulted in increased user interaction, would complete the data-gathering process to align with the theoretical claims. It also indicates that Twitter was a platform on which Iranian users fulfilled the requirements of the public sphere. Some of the findings indicate that there were 48,076 users connected with 25,534,713 edges, and together, they formed three communities. While one of the communities focused solely on social issues, the other two engaged in a rival political challenge. It seems that this situation exemplified the main characteristic of the public sphere, namely, the freedom to express political views and the formation of diverse communities with competing ideas.

توجه به خواسته های مردم یا افکار عمومی نسبت به حکومت در تمام ادوار تاریخی از جمله در عصر تیموریان مورد تاکید عرفا، ادبا و مورخان ایرانی بوده است. آنان با استناد به آیات قرآنی و احادیث نبوی و حکایات پند آمیز بزرگان در صدد برآمدند شیوه های صحیح حکمرانی را که خواست مردم بوده به فرمانروایان تیموری نشان دهند. اندیشه های این گروه از این قلم انعکاس افکار عمومی جامعه در حکمرانی بر اساس اصول شرع و روایات دینی بوده است. عرفا، ادبا، و مورخان در واقع سخن گویان مردم بودند که انتظار داشتند حاکمان مسلمان طبق اصول شریعت و سخنان بزرگان دین اسلام حکومت نموده و به خواسته های مردم در حکمرانی توجه کنند. این که عرفا و ادبا و مورخان چه روش هایی را برای حکمرانی خطاب به فرمانراوایان مسلمان قرن نهم هجری بیان نموده اند افکار عمومی مردم در آثار آنان چگونه انعکاس یافته، موضوع بحث این پژوهش است که به شیوه تحلیلی و توصیفی و با استناد به منابع تاریخی، ادبی و عرفانی مورد بررسی قرار گرفته و در نتیجه نشان داده شده است که عرفا، ادبا و مورخان بهترین الگوی حکمرانی اسلامی را خطاب به فرمانروایان از زبان مردم بیان نموده اند.

This article consider relation of punitivity and public opinion with explanation of " public opinion" and "punitivity" and analyzes effect of public opinion on tendency to punishment with focus on variables such as age, gender, fear of crime and social believes, and on difference of societies in macro level. Results show that main reason for difference in extent of punitivity between individuals is their ability to Empathetic identification with criminals. In macro level main difference among various societies depends to extent of fear of crime, presence of "crime" and "justice" in campaigns and ways in which crime is covered by media. Moreover results show that punitivity is a complex and multidimensional subject and also to some extent is affected by methods of data collecting and administration of surveys. It is necessary to say that if punishing is not attended by people at high levels or regarded as an unimportant issue, public opinion may not form about it.

Public opinion is one of the key elements that affects public policy. The importance of public opinion depends on the type of political system, and the process of public policy is also affected by the nature of political system. Therefore the effect of public opinion on public policy is different, on the basis of the nature of the political system. The purpose of this article is to analyze this effect on the process of public policy.

Creating crisis and attempting to solve it is an important function of the mass media. This is carried out using a range of modern tools. Media can influence socio-political and cultural events employing strategies and meta-strategies to form the public thinking in the direction they aim. The media emperors and the press trusts manage to form some kind of information monopoly through influencing the selection and dissemination of monopolized news. They attempt to provide miss-understanding about some political, cultural, and national systems which they regard as rivals. The present paper reviews the media crisis from a management point of view taking into consideration a quick reaction against the control of the flow of information, revising the hope giving, etc. It also attempts to study the process of crisis creation which is known as the communication soft power. The focus is on the question that how and in what ways mass media would be able to manage media crisis and to form public opinions.

The question of the present study is that How Americans view Iran, and how Iranians can influence this view? We extracted more than 4000 items from numerous public opinion polls conducted from 1979 to 2017. The overarching observation is that Americans have a consistently negative view of Iranians, which does not seem to be changed for decades. The United States foreign policy has been in line with public opinion. Iran has been “ unpopular” for more than 70% of Americans at various times, and 70-90% of them have always considered Iran as a “ friend” or “ enemy” of the United States. The propaganda and inductions of anti-revolutionary media have played a major role in shaping this negative view of Iran in American public opinion. It seems that establishment of an institution for monitoring and managing the international image of Iran and responding to ambiguities in this field can improve the image of Iran to some extent.